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Nor could Greek generals then feel that confidence in the superior quality of their
troops, which ever since the battle of Marathon has animated Europeans in conflicts with Asiatics; as, for instance, in the after struggles
between Greece and Persia, or when the Roman legions encountered the myriads of Mithridates and Tigranes, or as is the case in the Indian
campaigns of our own regiments. On the contrary, up to the day of Marathon the Medes and Persians were reputed invincible. They had more than
once met Greek troops in Asia Minor, in Cyprus, in Egypt, and had invariably beaten them. Nothing can be stronger than the expressions used by
the early Greek writers respecting the terror which the name of the Medes inspired, and the prostration of men's spirits before the apparently
resistless career of the Persian arms.
It is, therefore, little to be wondered at, that five of the ten Athenian generals shrank from the
prospect of fighting a pitched battle against an enemy so superior in numbers and so formidable in military renown. Their own position on
the heights was strong, and offered great advantages to a small defending force against assailing masses. They deemed it mere foolhardiness
to descend into the plain to be trampled down by the Asiatic horse, overwhelmed with the archery, or cut to pieces by the invincible
veterans of Cambyses and Cyrus.
Moreover, Sparta, the great war-state of Greece, had been applied
to, and had promised succor to Athens, though the religious observance which the Dorians paid to certain times and seasons had for the present
delayed their march. Was it not wise, at any rate, to wait till the Spartans came up, and to have the help of the best troops in Greece,
before they exposed themselves to the shock of the dreaded Medes?
Spe cious as these reasons might appear, the other five generals were for speedier and
bolder operations. And, fortunately for Athens and for the world, one of them was a man, not only of the highest military genius, but also
of that energetic character which impresses its own type and ideas upon spirits feebler in conception.
Miltiades was the head of one of the noblest houses at Athens; he
ranked the Aeacidae among his ancestry, and the blood of Achilles flowed in the veins of the hero of Marathon. One of his immediate ancestors
had acquired the dominion of the Thracian Chersonese, and thus the family became at the same time Athenian
citizens and Thracian princes.
This occurred at the time when Pisistratus
was tyrant of Athens. Two of the relatives of Miltiades, an uncle of the
same name, and a brother named Stesagoras, had ruled the Chersonese before Miltiades became its prince. He had been brought up at Athens in
the house of his father, Cimon, who was renowned throughout Greece for his victories in the Olympic chariot races, and who must have been
possessed of great wealth. The sons of Pisistratus, who succeeded their
father in the tyranny at Athens, caused Cimon to be assassinated; but they treated the young Miltiades, with favor and kindness, and when
his brother Stesagoras died in the Chersonese, they sent him out there as lord of the principality.
This was about twenty-eight years before the battle of Marathon, and
it is with his arrival in the Chersonese that our first knowledge of the
career and character of Miltiades commences. We find, in the first act recorded of him, the proof of the same resolute and unscrupulous spirit
that marked his mature age. His brother's authority in the principality had been shaken by war and revolt: Miltiades determined to rule more
securely. On his arrival he kept close within his house, as if he was mourning for his brother.
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