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The national historian of Rome has left us an episode
of his great work, a disquisition on the probable effects that -would have followed if Alexander the Great had invaded Italy. Posterity has
generally regarded that disquisition as proving Livy's patriotism more strongly than his impartiality or acuteness. Yet, right or wrong, the
speculations of the Roman writer were directed to the considerations of a very remote possibility. To whatever age Alexander's life might have
been prolonged, the East would have furnished full occupation for his martial ambition, as well as for those schemes of commercial grandeur and
imperial amalgamation of nations in which the truly great qualities of his mind loved to display themselves. With his death the dismemberment of
his empire among his generals was certain, even as the dismemberment of Napoleon’s empire among his marshals would certainly have ensued if ho
had been cut off in the zenith of his power. Rome, also, was far weaker when the Athenians were in Sicily than she was a century afterwards in
Alexander's time. There can be little doubt but that Rome would have been blotted out from the independent powers of the West, had she been
attacked at the end of the fifth century B.C., by an Athenian army, largely aided by Spanish mercenaries, and flushed with triumphs over Sicily
and Africa, instead of the collision between her and Greece having been deferred until the latter bad sunk into decrepitude, and the Roman Mais
had grown into full vigor.
The armament winch the Athenians equipped against Syracuse was in everyway worthy of the state which
formed such projects of universal empire, and it has been truly termed "the noblest that ever yet had been set forth by a free und civilized
commonwealth." The fleet consisted of one hundred and thirty-four war-galleys, with a multitude of store-ships. A powerful force of the best
heavy-armed infantry that Athens and her allies could furnish was sent on board it, together with a smaller number of slingers and bowmen. The
quality of the forces was even more remarkable than the number. The zeal of individuals vied with that of the republic in giving every galley the
best possible crew, and every troop the most perfect accouterments. And with private as well as public wealth eagerly lavished on all that could
give splendor as welt as efficiency to the expedition, the fated fleet began its voyage for the Sicilian shores in the summer
of
The Syracusans themselves, at the time of the Peloponnesian war, were a bold and turbulent democracy,
tyrannizing over the weaker Greek cities in Sicily, and trying to gain in that island the same arbitrary supremacy which was maintained along the
eastern coast of the Mediterranean. In numbers and in spirit they were fully equal to the Athenians, but far inferior to them, in military and
naval discipline. When the probability of an Athenian invasion was first publicly discussed at Syracuse, and efforts were made by some of the
wiser citizens to improve the state of the national defenses, and prepare for the impending danger, the rumors of coming war and the proposal for
preparation were received by the mass of the Syracusans with scornful incredulity.
The speech of one of their popular orators IB preserved to us in Thucydidos and many of its topics
might, by a slight alteration of names and details, serve admirably for the party among ourselves at present, which opposes the augmentation of
our forces, and derides the idea of our being in any peril from the sudden attack of a Trench expedition.
The Syracusan orator told his countrymen to dismiss with
scorn the visionary terrors which a set of designing men among themselves strove to excite, in order to get power and influence thrown into their
own hands. He told them that Athens knew her own interest too well to think of wantonly provoking their hostility: "Even if their enemies were to
come,'' said he, "so distant from their resources , and, opposed to such a power as ours, their destruction would be easy and inevitable. Their
ships will have enough to do to get to our island at all, and to carry such stores of all sorts as will be needed. They cannot therefore carry,
besides, an army large enough to cope with such a population a as ours. They will have no fortified place from which to commence their
operations, but must rest them on no better base than a set of wretched tents, and such means as the necessities of the moment, will allow them.
But, in truth, 1 do not believe that they would even be able to effect a disembarkation. Let us, therefore, set at naught these reports as
altogether of home manufacture; and be sure if any enemy does come, the state will know how to defend itself in a manner worthy of the national
honor."
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